Sunday, 25 May 2014

Good Night and Bad Luck...

While things have not been slow in the world of elections – particularly in Ukraine – there has been little movement in the spheres that I normally write about. This week will look at the recent predictions before this blog returns to hibernation.

This hiatus will end as soon as there is regular updates to provide on the Victorian and US Midterm elections, both in November (so expect blogs from late September/early October).

Eurovision:

No points are going to be awarded, and no detailed analysis of what went right/wrong can really be produced with any real detail. I predicted that ‘Austria may come from nowhere, but I doubt it’, so like the conclave predictions, I did shortlist the winner but didn’t pick it. I consider that a partial victory, and at least I didn’t back France.

Tasmania:

Here we have two possible points – one for Huon and one for Rosevears.
In Rosevears Kerry Finch (IND) easily retained his seat as predicted (with over 60% of the primary vote).
In Huon, I predicted Peter Hodgeman (LIB) to win. Hodgeman came a close second to my second bet, Robert Armstrong. Hodgeman was easily ahead on primary votes, and retained this lead until the fifth count, but was ultimately beaten on preferences. While I had expected the left vote to bolster Liz Smith, and I has expected this to be insufficient, I did not appreciate the size of this flowing on to just about anyone but Hodgeman (splitting more than 3:1 against, with Lib preferences lower than the exhausted count).
It is clear that Tasmania is in a very conservative mood at the moment. However, it is important not to underestimate the appeal of Independent candidates in Tasmania.
It is unfortunate that the results of this year’s TasLegCo prediction is only 50%, but with only two possible bets this is going to happen from time to time.
These results will be added to the sidebar in the coming days. See you after the winter!

Saturday, 10 May 2014

Demonstration Game

This week saw the release of the Budget. Last year I took the time to analyse the main areas of spending and the demographics they played to. As it turned out it was quite difficult to break down the ABS data to a manageable level that informed our predictions. It was an interesting exercise, but no points could be awarded for correct predictions – much like a demonstration match at the Olympics.

This year, however, there is something else to look at. This weekend we will find the results of the International voting in an election run across the length and breadth of the European Union. International politics will come to the fore. Diplomatic ties will be strained and strengthened. Smoke, wind and fire pour forth from the floor.

I speak, of course, of the Eurovision Song Contest.

It is no secret, of course, that the voting in Eurovision is at times more political than a reflection on musical talent. The Nordic/Scandinavian countries will back each other to the hilt.* Turkey and Armenia will strive to put the past behind them once more.** Ukraine and Russia will go head-to-head on an illuminated screen floor concealed beneath dry ice and loaded with enough pyrotechnics to blow up the British Houses of Parliament.***

This year, however, Australia has sent Jessica Mauboy to perform. Technically Australia’s not in Europe (although similar geographic inconveniences has never stopped Israel participating). Instead, we were just be appearing as an act in the second semi during voting for the real contestants. It was an interesting exercise, but no points were awarded for the performance – much like a demonstration match at the Olympics.

The semi-finals are over, however a brief analysis of past semi-finals results may have informed our expectations. Certain countries are well known to favour each other – this may be due to political reasons, geographical closeness fostering a familiarity and friendliness to other nations or songs being sung in common languages (e.g. the Most Serene Republic of San Marino might sing in Italian, which might isolate non-Italian dominated countries a little but appeal to the Italian vote). This was a bigger rort back when the winner was picked by a small jury of representatives. In 1998 the phone voting system was introduced, but because unpredictability and lack of bias are boring we are now on a hybrid system.

Most importantly, it is not possible to vote against a country. This means that nations can afford to narrow in on the support of a few select nations without a significant backlash from others. This also means that there are situations, for example in the current Crimean Crisis, where the results are counter intuitive. Pro-EU (aka anti-Russian) forces outnumber pro-Russian (aka anti-European Union) protestors in Ukraine. As a result, one would expect the Russians to do poorly off of the Ukrainian vote. However since the anti-Russian vote will be split across so many other options, the consolidated Russian support might mean top marks for the former super-power. A pox upon first-past-the-post voting systems.

Semi Finals

First off, here are the total points awarded to the countries on the y-axis by those on the x-axis since 2008 when the semi-finals were first split into two pools.


And here is the average score since 2008, adjusted for the times each country has not participated.

Given that only half of the x-y combinations will match up each year (countries in pool 1 cannot vote for those in pool 2), and the average pool size is around 18 participants, an average score would be roughly 1.6 (the actual average of all scores is roughly 1.484). The standard deviation is higher than this (1.643) and therefore does not offer a convenient way of grading favouritism. Instead, let’s graph each nation’s support for each contestant to determine if there is a particularly strong peak of support anywhere.
 Okay. Let’s not, then. Instead, 1.0 and less is arbitrarily considered poor, up to 2.0 is fair, up to 4.0 is a lean towards a nation and anything above 4.0 is a very strong lean. And, go:

 
Slightly better, I suppose. While the obvious approach is to simply see which 10 teams do best from each voter in the same pool as a prediction, the green votes above are the key ones that we can rely on. Whether you see this as the historical strength of each nation’s musical ability or other factors, certain patterns emerge. Greece is historically very strong with green ratings from 13 different countries and favours the smaller nations in the Balkan/Eastern European sphere. Russia does well off of the Baltics and other peaceful neighbours (Poland, Azerbaijan, Lithuania and Latvia blue, Estonia green) but poorly from the major powers (red from France and Portugal, grey from UK, Spain, Germany, Italy, Sweden & Norway) and neighbouring nations fearing a military invasion (Georgia, Ukraine and Belarus all red).

So, lets take a look at, on past voting, who can be expected to do best in each pool:
 
Where countries have drawn, the availible points are averaged. These are rounded off to the nearest whole number above.

Comparing the rankings (total score) with the actual results (red countries in the grids were eliminated) It is clear that there is no real predictive power in this methodology. In fact, the bottom three and top four in each pool went straight through, leaving the battle to the middle of the field.

Instead, I’m going to have to pick the songs manually. Countries can get support for being genuinely good (see Norway) or, more commonly, for ridiculous costumes (see Iceland), special effects (see Montenegro) or bizarre songs (see Estonia). You can also get into the finals for being Scandinavian or, in a tiebreak situation Baltic/Balkan.
 
For Pool 1, I predicted the ten to continue to the finals as Armenia (the only pyrotechnic-dependant performance), Latvia (splitting the Hipster vote with the Netherlands and scooping up the often overlooked cake-baking vote), Sweden (Scandinavian vote), Iceland (slightly less lucrative Nordic vote, reinforced by technicolour costumes), Russia (for using singing twins and a guy whose only roll is to stand behind a collapsible sunrise), Ukraine (giant freaking hamster wheel), San Marino (impressive use of video screens with dry ice), Portugal (all the drums, and a half-naked black guy), the Netherlands (reaping more than half of the votes of hipsters dominating the west of Europe) and Montenegro (impressive figure-skater/effects coordination).

With 16 contenders I was guaranteed at least 4 of my 10 would get through, so the possible scores for this prediction range from 0 to 6 guesses inaccurate. Latvia and Portugal dropped out for Azerbaijan and Hungary, so that’s 8 out of 10 correct, but should honestly be a score of 4/6 or 66%.
 
For Pool 2, my pick was Malta (hipsters with the obligatory acoustic guitars, double bass and drums (plus a piano and a… a… I don’t even know what)), Norway (perhaps the best act on actual musical ability), Poland (for traditional dress and sensual – even erotic – clothes washing), Austria (for supporting a bearded transvestite), Lithuania (for the Tron-inspired outfits), Belarus (for Mo-town junior), Switzerland (whistling hipsters with obligatory acoustic guitar, double bass and drums (and banjo and tambourine)), Greece (a rap/R&B/dance number appealing to a completely separate demographic, backed up by a trampolinist), Romania (Mohawk and fake circular piano) and one other. The choices for the last place are varied, with different attributes to pick from: there’s Ireland with a Bollywood/Riverdance combo; Slovenia with an interesting flute opening; and there’s the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia with Voldemort in a white hoodie.
 
With 31 contestants between the two semis we actually earn one tossup, which I would probably use here if the results were not already known. Instead, I’m going with Georgia due to their electric guitar wielding mobster and a guy with a parachute.
15 contestants means 5 of my 10 predictions are guaranteed to be correct. Georgia was a gamble that didn’t pay off. Lithuania also failed to capitalise, and Slovenia and Finland (Damn you Nordic bloc vote) replaced them. So, 80% again on total results, but 3 out of 5 (60%) once adjusted for mathematical certainties.

With that less-than-impressive background, we need to look at the automatic finalists:
UK: Britain seems to think Eurovision is a song contest of some sort. Nothing too zany to report on here.
Spain: Based on the preview movie clip, there may actually be rain falling on the stage for this one.
Germany: Accordion, Double Bass and Mime artists – I’m a little concerned France and Germany may have switched acts.
France: Big hair and a burning desire to grow a moustache – I’m very concerned France and Germany may have switched acts.
Italy: Futuristic Punk. ‘nuf said.
Denmark: Seems to be competing as Belarus’ older brother.

With the exception of 2010, an auto-finalist has not won since 1997. In that time, the Nordics have won six times. If you want to pick a shortlist of winners, the Big Five and the Host is not the set to pick. That’s not to say they cannot win, but I suspect given the cost of hosting the contest, none of them want to become regular giants of the contest (compare Ireland in the 90’s).

And that brings us to:

The Finals

A lot of gimmicks that got countries through the semis – circular pianos and Wiggles-inspired suits – will lose their appeal the second time around. I think the strongest contestants from pool 1 are Russia, Ukraine and the Netherlands. For pool 2 I’d back Norway, Switzerland and, at an outside chance, Poland or Austria. The first-time performers are not hamstrung by this seen-it-all-before fatigue (except perhaps Denmark), so France may get a boost there too.

To pick one, I’d have to tentatively circle Ukraine, with Norway a close second and the Dutch in third. The Netherlands will overshadow the Swiss for the hipster vote, and I think Russia and Poland will appeal to similar voters, splitting the votes. Austria may come from nowhere, but I doubt it.

Since I am operating with completely untried (or, realistically, no) predictive methods, these predictions will not be counted towards the total points of this blog. I should, perhaps, have done the same thing with last year’s conclave and the United Nations Security Council vote the year before that (although the UNSC results have not been factored into the current score at Infographinomicon). It is an interesting exercise, but no points will be awarded for correct predictions – much like a demonstration match at the Olympics.
* Although exactly where these boundaries are drawn is open to debate. With Denmark into the finals by default, this does not necessarily result in predictable preference flows.

** Although Turkey has chickened out this year.
 
*** Calculation not performed. However, the gunpowder to be used by Guy Fawkes et al amounted toa cubic ton. Measuring gunpowder by volume is complicated by grain size, but will generally resolve to the equivalent weight within 10% accuracy. So allowing 1.1 ton (roughly 998,000 g) of gunpowder to blow up parliament seems like a pretty good benchmark. If you know where to buy blackpowder substitutes (that link may land you on certain government watchlists) you can get the stuff for less than $20/pound ($18.29 plus shipping, limit 48 lb), or go full-on V for Vendetta for just over $40,000. Granted the cost of fireworks will cost more for labour, colours etc. and can vary hugely with the choice of pyrotechnic, and because these are payed for by the performing countries, exact expenditure is difficult to track down. But even if the fireworks are 10% gunpowder by cost, that’s $400,000 spread between 37 countries. Given that most contestants give their performance at least twice, that’s only $5000 per act on fireworks. Add in the opening ceremony etc. etc. etc. and Big Ben doesn’t really stand a chance.

Saturday, 26 April 2014

Tasmania III

Huon

Huon is slightly more complicated than Rosevears. For one thing the incumbent is not standing again next election, opening up the field. For another, probably as a result of this, it has seven candidates running.

Voting history is not hugely informative here, with (as usual for the Tas LegCo) a mostly Independent history.



A few obvious differences from Rosevears are apparent. While both seats have only one (officially) party-affiliated candidate, Rosevears' was a Liberal while in Huon this was from Labor. For another, Huon's history dates back much further. And, while only two of these candidates are known to have lost the seat in an election (including the afore-mentioned Labor candidate) the older incumbents are harder to find information on. The candidates more than a century ago – a large number of which have names starting with J – are harder to research and may or may not have lost the seat. In more recent history, though, the incumbent of Huon has not lost since a few months after the introduction of decimal currency.

Although there is no incumbent and no useful trend, however, the history of the seat does prove quite a useful predictive tool. For the decade from 1976 to 1986, it was held by Peter Hodgeman. The less Tasmanian-electoral-history centred may recognise the name Hodgeman from the immediately preceding name on that chart; Michael Hodgeman held the seat from 1966, starting the incumbent victory line that continues today and a twenty-year Hodgeman dynasty over the seat.

The more in-tune with the Island state's political system will recognise the name of Peter Hodgeman's nephew Will – the current Premier of the state – and possibly Peter's father Bill – former President of the Tas LegCo.

The really Tas-pseph-fanatics will recognise Peter Hodgeman, however, as one of the candidates standing for the seat of Huon this year. By re-contesting the seat, especially without ever having lost it, Peter may well hold a semi-incumbent status. Combine this with name recognition, association with an apparently popular Premier, the ability to cash in on Liberal projects touted last month, and the entire Liberal volunteer base, Hodgeman has to be a strong contender this year. However, with a marginally ALP lean in seat history and forming part of the Labor-held (since 1993) federal seat of Franklin, there could be significant opposition if organised.

The most likely candidate to muster the support of the left is former Greens member Liz Smith. She bills herself as a progressive independent and has a strong history of performing well in local council elections, having won seats since 2002 and regularly coming second in Mayoral elections. Her political background is nowhere near as strong as Hodgeman's, though, as she has only contested the seat of Huon once in the past, receiving a 14% primary vote out of four candidates. That would be expected to drop lower out of seven, especially in a state that is apparently hankering for a bit of right-wing politics.

Another council-based politician this election is Robert Armstrong, who was elected in 1996 and became deputy mayor in 1999. By 2001 he had made Mayor, with a primary vote of 55%. The field of people contesting against him has never exceeded two, and his primary vote has never dropped below 40%. In the absence of Mr Hodgeman's candidacy, he would be well placed to be a front-runner. He is an independent and a centrist, but I suspect a lot of his support will be the first to flow to the Libs.

Rodney Dillon is a second possible candidate for the left to rally behind. Although I have not found any information on his political experiences, he is employed by Amnesty International and was short-listed for Tasmanian of the Year twice. Although I am not listing policies for this seat due to time constraints (but see below), one policy did catch my eye:
He feels strongly that Huonville District High School should be expanded to include Years 11 and 12 to enable all students in the area to successfully complete their education. He will work towards making this happen.
On the right, and likely to do poorly in the shade of Hodgeman and Armstrong, we have Jimmy Bell. Mr Bell has experience in the military, manages the Police Citizens Youth Club and is a prolific money-raiser for various charities and community projects. Policy information is lacking.

Helen Lane has a list of sporting administration achievements, as well as professional experiences regarding integration of computer skills in education. Again, policy is lacking.

Finally, there is Pavel Ruzicka, a saw-miller and “specialist timber” provider who advocates managing forests for multiple industries and interests. He is clearly marked out as an anti-greens candidate, but may struggle to gain traction on the crowded right of the stage.

Policies

There are several reasons I have abandoned the attempt to provide policies for the candidates. Firstly, most have no useful information on their websites, if they even have websites. On the other extreme, wading through all the Liberal policies linked to Mr Hodgeman's campaign could easily take a month. Besides, you can often learn more about independents from their long answers than their soundbites anyhow.

Furthermore, others have already composed a (heavily right-wing, pro-life, conservative) summary of the candidates. To quote directly from Tasmania's own Kevin Bonham on the Australian Christian Lobby's survey, while I “do not endorse the content of their questions, which are frequently loaded and misleading... they are one of the few forces that effectively prods candidates into taking positions on social issues, and their surveys are often a valuable insight into who will fence-sit and who will kowtow in an attempt to get votes.”

Their summary for Mr Armstrong, Mr Bell, Mr Hodgeman, Ms Lane and Ms Smith is here.

Information on Mr Ruzicka was not found. Mr Dillon's site is here.

For further information, an article by Ms Smith in the Tasmanian Times can be found here and a biography of Mr Armstrong is linked to from Dr Bonham's blog here.

Summary

Prediction for Rosevears: Kerry Finch (IND) Retain
Prediction for Huon: Peter Hodgeman (LIB) Win

Sunday, 20 April 2014

Tasmania II

Having already relegated the Tasmanian House of Assembly elections to the back-burner this year, it would be remiss of me not to at least contemplate the upcoming election of the Tasmanian Legislative Council (although, Tasmania, this will happen if you keep trying to muscle in on SA's fixed-term elections). With no easily available polling, we'll be running without comparison to a baseline this time. Which worked pretty badly in WA last post...

Now, since the Tasmanian lower-house is elected like every other upper-house, it should be no surprise that the upper-house is elected like every other lower-house; the state is split into 15 divisions, which then elect a single member to the parliament. Unlike most single-candidate seats, the major parties rarely do well.

Current distribution of MLC's (Blue - LIB; Red - ALP; Grey - IND)

However, like most other houses of review, the whole house is not elected in one go. There are carry-over politicians and newly elected politicians. In most Australian jurisdictions there are two halves of the upper-house, with one half elected every three or four years. The US senate is divided into thirds and rotates over 6 year periods.

Tasmania, however, loves to be different – and loves elections – so one (approximate) sixth of the LegCo is elected at a time. Which means a new election every year.

Every.

Single.

Year.

This year we are looking down the barrel of elections in Huon and Rosevears, set for May 3.


This week we will be looking at Rosevears. Huon will be covered in detail next week.

Rosevears

Rosevears, like all Tasmanian LegCo divisions, have a strong history of Independent voters. Although it has only been held by two candidates in its history (and one of those, Ray Bailey, only held it by default since it's creation) it is chiefly derived from the older division of Cornwall, allowing us to look much further back in the seat's history:







Of the nine candidates to represent Rosevears/Cornwall, only three were beaten in elections (William Robinson, Geoffrey Foot and Robin McKendrick) – the rest resigning their seats. This is not unusual in Tasmanian LegCo elections where incumbency is a strong factor.

The 2002 election, after the retirement of Ray Bailey, saw nine contenders for the seat. Kerry Finch narrowly beat Rick Shegog on primary votes (27.23% to 23.86%) who both clearly out-stripped third place Rod Howell (17.55%). Unsurprisingly, given the power of incumbency in the Tas LegCo, Finch faced a single opponent in 2008 (Colin O'Brien) and won with over 70% of the primary vote.

This election Finch is again up against a lone opponent: Liberal candidate Don Morris a former parliamentary adviser.

There is little policy information available from the website of Don Morris however, it is a safe bet that Mr Morris will be attempting to help the Hodgman State Government pass as much of its proposed legislation as possible, including promoting jobs – particularly in eco-tourism. Morris is also critical of Mr Finch's perceived low attendance rate at Parliament.

Finch's website does provide some policies, although many are scant on detail and represent aspirations such as making housing more affordable. However, in accordance with Infographinomicon tradition, here are three policies:

Policy 1: Infrastructure and community facilities
The West Tamar needs safer roads, better water and sewerage services, child care, walking and cycling tracks, among many other things.

Policy 2: Health and Education
Like the rest of Australia, Rosevears needs more preventative health measures---let’s keep our community fit and health and out of hospitals. On education, we must encourage more skilled and dedicated teachers, and keep our schools better maintained and make them more pleasant places for kids.

Policy 3: Environment
We live in a wonderful environment, but it is under great pressure. Let’s plan to keep where we live beautiful and sustainable.

This last policy is of particular importance to My Finch, based on his previous record of involvement in protecting the Tamar Valley and opposition to a pulp mill in the area. The transcripts of numerous speeches by Mr Finch on this topic are to be found on his website, possibly to contradict the claims that he is not an active candidate.

My prediction for this seat – based on incumbency, seat history and general presentation of message to the electorate – is a comfortable retain for Mr Finch, though probably closer than last time.

The swing to the Libs in the lower house may superficially suggest Mr Morris would do well here. In Rosevears the Libs received over 50% of the primary vote in the lower house. But Morris is not running against the ALP/Green bloc this time. Instead, the choice is between a party-affiliated conservative and a non-party-affiliated centrist*. Tasmanians tend to like their independent house of review to remain, well, Independent.

The Liberal war-chest will not substantially help Mr Morris either, with strict spending limits on campaigns – although a little aid from the new government publicly spruking their policies may help the contender gain some traction on the sly.

Nonetheless, this is unlikely to be strong enough to unseat the incumbent, Mr Finch, who will poll strongly among ALP/Greens voters (34.7% of the primary vote in March) and any anti-pulp-mill voters in the Tamar Valley. I hear there are a few of those.

That said, our pseph on the ground for Tasmania – Dr K. Bonham – is predicting a tight (or at least hard to predict) race.

*Dr Bonham puts Finch as a left-wing candidate, however this is relative to other candidates in a typically conservative arena and is skewed by a few strong left positions mixed in a generally centrist policy point (or, to put that in reverse as Dr Bonham contends, “[a]lthough voting patterns show he is slightly more likely to vote with the conservatives than fellow "LegCo lefties" Valentine, Gaffney, Farrell and Forrest, he frequently makes up for this with the strength of his rhetoric on particular issues.”)

Saturday, 12 April 2014

Post-WA

Results

So the good news is we only got one wrong. Aaand the good news is also the bad news. For the last week the expected results have been sitting at LIB: 3, ALP: 1, GRN: 1, PUP: 1. The last Liberal seat is looking pretty firm but could cave to the ALP. Initially close, the Palmer candidate for the penultimate seat is leading by almost 2% of the vote by count 35, so this is pretty certain now.

I could point to the sudden, meteoric rise of the PUP, which makes predictions difficult (especially based on past trends). Or I could indicate just how counter to the normal trend it is for WA to elect two candidates not from the two major parties. Or I could stress that the low voter turnout (as low as 69.82 in the division of Fremantle) means a lot of the less politically-engaged – a traditionally rich hunting ground for the major parties – skewed things a little. But I wont. Instead, I'll just mention that I could mention these things so that I don't look like I'm just making excuses and hope no-one notices that in the process I did mention them and I am just making excuses.

So, with only 6 seats we had no tossups to play with and each error is roughly 16% of the prediction. Since I matched the baseline we get no points there; instead we just have a rating of 84% which is quite poor in general. But Senate elections are a nightmare anyhow, so whatever. I don't need to get things 100% right to feel validated in the way I spend my spare time.

Stupid flippin' senate...


So, here's how the upper house looks now:







And here is how the Carbon Tax repeal is looking:

Also note, the MEP will – since they have so few policies of their own – be voting largely alongside the PUP, making the repeal look more like 40:35 with 1 unknown.

This is why Tony Abbot has declared the result a validation of his climate policy, even though there is a suggestion that as a referendum on the carbon tax, the results reflect an anti-repeal sentiment with the shift against the Libs and to the Greens. (Personally I think this is ridiculous, since the swing from the Liberals will be largely to PUP, while the swing to the Greens will come mostly from the ALP, but in the interests of a fuller coverage I bring you these opinions anyway.)

So, no mid-year double-disillusion election for us. Which is a little disappointing from a recreational psephological perspective, but probably a huge relief to the not-turning-up sector of WA who have had local, state, federal and federal re-run elections all in close succession.

What's up with PUP?

Curse you for foiling my predictions Mr Palmer. This is not the first time I have had occasion to say this, and it seems the Australian public is determined that it will not be the last. In February I typed that

'I personally think the PUP … was a joke vote... I think that this makes the Palmer brand into a one-hit wonder for two reasons: firstly, now that Palmer holds the federal seat of Fairfax he has begun to look like an almost credible voting option, and secondly, jokes are only funny the first time.'

However, I also observed that:

'That said, if the Internet has taught me anything (and I doubt it has) it is that people will keep running with a joke or meme for years after its peak.'

If I were to summarise my response to the Palmer victory in WA as a meme, it would be a cross between Picard Facepalm and First World Problems Woman and look something like this:

I'd also occasionally add the word 'face' between Clive's first and last names...


Now just to be clear, I don't object to Clive creating a political party or running for office. And I don't object to people exercising their right to vote for whomever they support.* And compared to some of the other groups that have run for – and won – seats, I don't even really object to his policies.

I also want to stress that, despite his media image, I do not think Mr Palmer is an idiot, an incompetent or a madman. He has, evidently, tapped into the zeitgeist of the modern political landscape. Sensing a growing dissatisfaction with both major parties and the diminishing view of the Greens as a protest vote, Palmer was not the only political aspirant to attempt to emerge as the new 'others' vote last year.

Most notably, Katter's Australia Party did almost as well as Palmer's United Party despite being eclipsed in the media by the latter. Had Palmer not been on the stage, the KAP would now be in the same position as the PUP today or better. Instead, Katter's party has largely fallen by the wayside, and Palmer's has gone on to more or less monopolise the votes of the uninterested and the fed-up. By being the harmless, blundering buffoon who rebuilds the Titanic and Jurassic Park, Clive has become the darling of the media, receiving huge swathes of media space and time -- and far less difficult and probing questions -- than other minor or major parties.

I have not seen anything to suggest that Palmer is a particularly savvy political operator. But I have seen enough to convince me he is taking advice from one.

Palmer is not an idiot; he is merely a man who understands the value of wearing the jester's hat. That will, I suspect, prove to be a difficult crown to wear. Too little exposure or odd-ball statements will see him fade from centre-stage as quickly as Katter and the other aspiring protest vote parties. Too much, and he will become as unpalatable as the major players.

Having demonstrated his appeal is closer to that of the enduring meme than the soon-forgotten bon mot of polite dinner conversation, Palmer could linger for some time.

But the reason I consider the rise of the PUP to be so unfortunate is that it demonstrates a persistent apathy and insincerity among voters. This is not another criticism of compulsory attendance. Well, it is, but it is not just another criticism of compulsory attendance. It's also a criticism of the quality of discourse between the major parties, and the level of informative reporting (on major and minor party policies) in the media, and political (particularly youth) engagement, and the appeal of an amusing candidate whose policies are largely unknown, and people unwilling to put in the time to find a minor party they support, and a thousand other ills niggling at the ballots. None big enough to undermine our political system, but all of them disappointing.

It is not the presence of Palmer in Canberra that concerns me. But I suspect his primary vote is probably larger than the number of people who know what he stands for, and that can never be a good sign.

* By support, however, I mean agree with the policies and positions of the party. Not just thinking 'Hahaha, Candidate. Welp, lets put a '1' in that box then...'

Friday, 4 April 2014

WA Senate, Take Two.

As the Tasmanian lower-house demonstrated recently, accurate predictions for a fully-transferable vote proportional representation system continue to elude me. The lack of detailed polling is a major factor, though understandable given the number of micro-parties that would either have to be included, or ignored to an extent that makes preference calculations wildly speculative.

As a result, we do not even have a recognised system of creating a baseline to measure our accuracy against. The highly inaccurate substitute we will be using for tomorrow is a simple matter of taking the state-wide federal polling and extrapolating quotas from that.

Baseline:

Senate quotas are calculated as:


Which is always roughly 14.3% of the vote for states where there are six vacancies to fill.
The most recent state-specific polling I could find was the newspoll quarterly, which has the results for WA at ALP 29%, LIB 46%, GRN 15% and Others 10% for the January-March period. Nationally, polling has been trending against the Coalition, so I suspect a slight right-leaning bias to this data. Nonetheless, the baseline gives us nice, clean, primary vote predictions. On first preferences alone, ALP gets two seats (remainder 0.4%), the Liberals get three (remainder 3.1%) and the Greens get one (remainder 0.7%). With all six seats allocated, there is no need to even consider preference flows.


 
Now to try to refine our own predictions:

Prediction:

Firstly, let’s look at past WA results. The initial plan was to go back to 1948 when the system was introduced, but 1987 (3 ALP, 3 Lib) was complicated by backdating seats, and there was an expansion of the senate in 1984 which saw seven candidates elected in WA, and after that I gave up.

So, the results from 1990 onwards are:


Consistently 3 Liberal, 2 Labor and one to whichever minor party holds the zeitgeist of the day. The baseline expectation seems pretty solid at this point.

The two counts from 2013 were: 3 Liberal, 1 Labor, 1 Greens and 1 Sports Party; and 3 Liberal, 2 Labor and 1 Palmer United. Either would have been counter-intuitive based on the previous results, though the latter less so if one accepts that Palmer was the valid 3rd party that year instead of the Greens.

Palmer could do well in the conservative state and may chip into the Liberal vote. Their preferencing of the HEMP party over the majors has led to speculation that we may see a HEMP candidate in the last seat, but I suspect HEMP will bow out before the PUP. Of more concern is the influence of ‘preference whisperer’ Glenn Drurey, who got the Sports Party (arguably) over the line in 2013, as well as the Shooters and Fishers in NSW and again in the SA Legislative Council. Shooters and Fishers regularly pay Mr Drurey to act for them in negotiations as well, along with Family First and the Fishers & Lifestyle (although I understand F&L have since split due to naming confusion with the S&F).

Scott Ludlam’s recent high-profile will cost him nothing – his staunchest critics being devoted to the right anyhow – but will probably win him his seat from the undecided unaffiliated voters. This will cut into the ‘others’ vote but, with electoral fatigue setting in in a state that has recently had a state, local government and federal election in 2013, low turnout is expected (by compulsory attendance standards anyhow). This will predominantly be the apathetic, and may hurt the Labor-Liberal duopoly more than the smaller groups.

This, with the suspected right-lean bias in the polling, suggests to me that if a micro-party gets in it will be at the expense of a Liberal seat. However, realistically I can see nothing that suggests anything other than the baseline.

Prediction:


 

Ummm…

Now we have an interesting situation where the prediction matches the baseline. While it would be nice to have a divergent prediction so I have the option of doing better or worse, I’m not going to pick an obscure micro-party for the sake of being different. So the prediction-baseline comparison is not going to provide any meaningful information about the accuracy of my predictions. Instead, we’re going back to the old percentage-point system for this election. Because 90% is passable and 95% is required for a good prediction, we’re either going to do dismally (5/6 = 83.3%) or brilliantly (6/6 = 100%).
I guess that’s the price of siding with the baseline, but then the baseline itself is untested…

Sunday, 30 March 2014

Pre-WA

Just a quick (and late) post this week – a short and sweet intro to the WA Senate Election. This is partly because I am yet to determine the most effective resources for upper-house predictions (or lower-house if you are in Tasmania…) and partly the result of the hectic weekend I’ve had.
For those who haven’t been following electoral news yet somehow ended up here – or for the readers of the future deprived of the context – the WA Senate election last year was complicated by a relatively large number of votes disappearing between the first count and recount of ballots. It is currently believed that these ballots were stored near a quantity of material to be recycled and thus destroyed.
The High Court, in its guise as the Court of Disputed Returns, has agreed with the AEC that a re-count is required. This is unfortunate for the last parties elected by either count (no doubt hoping against hope that the ruling would install them by validating the most favourable count), but also for the Abbott Government. There has been some wild speculation that the Libs are likely to increase their share of the primary vote because they traditionally perform well in WA. However, this is flawed for several reasons. Most obviously, the Liberal Party’s support is lower now than at the election. As a result – regardless of the general attitude of the state – the vote in WA is likely to have dropped relative to the disputed return.
A large part of the Liberal vote last year was undoubtedly less of a vote for a Liberal government and more of a vote against Labor. Having punished the ALP, voters turned on Abbott in an unprecedented backlash. The polling is closer now, but nothing like the landslide of half a year ago.
Further, I suspect that – despite the apparent (yet unfounded) dislike of hung parliaments – there is greater support for minor-party balance of power Senators in the Senate. This could play against the Government.
Over the weekend I’ve been talking with an employee of a sitting Labor member who is cautiously optimistic about the vote in WA. But let’s not fall into the trap of assuming that internal data is better ore more reliable than public polling.
 

Briefly:

Here is the Senate as it stood before the election of last year’s senators:
Here is the current state of play:

 
Clearly the Coalition cannot form a majority in the Senate. However, the number of cross-bench Senators (particularly from micro-parties) will mean that the Libs should be able to past many laws with the right negotiations.
Of particular interest is the Repeal of the Carbon Tax. Apart from the large role this (and the mining tax repeal) has played in the WA campaign, Abbott had promised to act on this promise at the first possible instance. If the repeal fails pass the Senate, we get to dust of section 57 of the constitution:


If the House of Representatives passes any proposed law, and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with amendments to which the House of Representatives will not agree, and if after an interval of three months the House of Representatives, in the same or the next session, again passes the proposed law with or without any amendments which have been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with amendments to which the House of Representatives will not agree, the Governor-General may dissolve the Senate and the House of Representatives simultaneously. But such dissolution shall not take place within six months before the date of the expiry of the House of Representatives by effluxion of time.

In other words, we re-vote. Regardless of one’s political position, a double-disillusion vote will have both negative (e.g. financial) and positive (e.g. blog posts) impacts.
Here’s the current state of the repeal:

 
In addition to the Coalition, the DLP, LDP, FFP and PUP all support a repeal (the fact that many oppose the Libs’ (and perhaps all) carbon reduction policy is unlikely to dissuade them). The ALP and Greens are in opposition.
That leave’s Xenophon in SA and the Motoring Enthusiasts in Victoria. The former opposes the Carbon Tax, but has his own plan. I doubt Senator Xenophon will support the repeal unless his scheme or one similar is implemented (which it will not be). The latter has no policy on the matter and will probably side with whoever can offer the most with regards to the policies they do have. Which will naturally be the ruling party.
Therefore the Libs or other anti-Carbon Tax proponents need to win four seats for a majority. Many spectators expect the Coalition to hold three seats of their own. The Left recieving the other three looks like a stretch. At this point, then, a double-disillusion seems unlikely.

[Addendum: I stated that the MEP will 'probably side with whoever can offer the most with regards to the policies they ... have' in the absence of a carbon policy of their own (short of small government ideology (anti-tax) and non-specific sustainability principles (pro-action)). However, on reflection, the Motoring Enthusiasts will not want to risk their seat -- which is precarious enough already -- in a double-dissolusion election. This alone may be enough to pressure the MEP and other minor low-primary-vote parties into line. Assuming a minor party gets in in WA, the three Coalition seats may be enough to command a majority on the repeal.]